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Aantekeningen
1 Mappaemundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten, VI. Rekonstruierte Karten, Stuttgard: Jos. Roth’sche Verlaghung 1898, p. 36; Itineraria Romana, Stuttgart: Strecker and Schröder 1916 (repr. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider 1964), pp. xxvi-xxxvi.
2 L. Dillemann, La Cosmographie du Ravennate, Collection Latomus 235, Brussels: Revue d’études latines 1997, pp. 38-40, 52-53.
3 K. Miller, Mappaemundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten VI, p. 36.
4 P. Arnaud, “L’origine, la date de rédaction et la diffusion de l’archetype de la table de Peutinger,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de France (1988), pp. 302-320 at 315-316.
5 Dillemann, La Cosmographie du Ravennate, pp. 53-58.
6 Miller, Itineraria Romana, pp. xxxvi ff; Mappaemundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten, I. Die Weltkarte des Beatus (776 n. Chr.), Stuttgart: Jos. Roth’sche Verlaghung 1895, pp. 52, 54, 56.
7 Miller, Itineraria Romana, p. xxxvii.
8 Miller, Mappaemundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten, I. Die Weltkarte des Beatus (776 n. Chr.), p. 67.
9 E. Schweder, “Über eine Weltkarte des achten Jahrhunderts,” Hermes 24 (1889): 586-604 (pp. 594-603 concern the relationship with the Tabula); H. Gross, “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Tabula Peutingeriana,” Diss. Berlin 1913, pp. 68, 90ff.
10 P. Gautier-Dalché, Le «Descriptio mappe mundi» de Hugues de Saint-Victor. Texte inédite avec introduction et commentaire, Paris: Études augustiniennes 1988, p. 66.
11 Ibid., p. 177.
12 A. & M. Levi, Itineraria picta. Contributo allo studio della Tabula Peutingeriana, Rome: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider 1967, p. 63.
13 B. Bischoff, cited by E. Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana. Codex Vindobonensis 324, Graz: Akademische Druck-und Verlaganstalt 1976, p. 11 and by H. Lieb, “Zur Herkunft der Tabula Peutingeriana,” in Die Abtei Reichenau. Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur des Inselklosters,” ed. H. Maurer, Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag 1974, p. 31.
14 A. and M. Levi, Itineraria picta, p. 160.
15 L. Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana. Una descrizione pittorica del mondo antico, Rimini: Maggioli Editore 1983, pp. 36, 167.
16 Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 20.
17 Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 36.
18 See, in general, Miller, Itineraria Romana, pp. xviii-xix.
19 Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, pp. 170-171.
20 Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 37 and note 44; fig. 21, p. 84; fig. 13, p. 57.
21 Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 132.
22 A. and M. Levi, Itineraria picta, p. 159; Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 171.
23 This observation is from Arnaud, “L’origine, la date de rédaction et la diffusion de l’archetype de la table de Peutinger,” p. 306 and note 10; Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, fig. 14, p. 63.
24 A. and M. Levi, Itineraria picta, p. 156.
25 Arnaud (“L’origine, la date de rédaction et la diffusion de l’archetype de la table de Peutinger,” p. 316 and note 42) has rightly emphasized this aspect, even we cannot accept the gratuitous hypothesis of a Castorius, author of a geographical description created based on this model.
26 L. Bagrow, History of Cartography, Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1964, p. 38; Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 22.
27 Lieb, “Zur Herkunft der Tabula Peutingeriana,” in Die Abtei Reichenau. Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur des Inselklosters,” ed. H. Maurer, pp. 31-33.
28 Hermannus Contractus, in MGH SS V, p. 121: ...cum Ernust... eiusque complices ... praedis circa siluam Marcianam infestarent...
29 Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz I, München 1918, p. 248.
30 H. Koller, “Der mons Comagenus,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 71 (1963): 237-45, esp. 243-245; except for the arguments based on place-names, the arguments offered by the author are of no value.
31 See P. Gautier-Dalché, “Principes et modes de la représentation de l’espace géographique durant le haut Moyen Age,” in Uomo e spazio nell’alto Medioevo, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo 50, Spoleto 2003, I: 139-141.
32 It is clearly excessive to speak of the “enormous success” with respect to its ancient and medieval diffusion (Arnaud, “L’origine, la date de rédaction et la diffusion de l’archetype de la table de Peutinger,” p. 319).
33 K. Mannert, tabula Itineraria Peutingeriana, primum aeri incisi et edita a Franc. Christoph de Scheyh MDCCLII, denuo cum codice Vindoboni collata, emendata et nova, Conradi Mannerti introductione instructa, studio et opera Academiae Literatrum Regiae Monacensis, Lipsiae: Libraria Hahnania 1824, p. 9; E. Desjardins, Géographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine, IV, Paris: Hachette 1893, p. 73.
34 MGH SS XVI, p. 186.
35 Sita est Theutonia in littoribus Oceani, inter Rhenum et Albam fluuios, ut in mappa mundi depingitur, et apponitur uento, qui circinus seu Tracia nominatur... (MGH SS XVII, p. 238).
36 Modena, A. S., Manoscritti 129, f. 44v-45r.
37 See A. Rotondò, “Pellegrino Prisciani (1435-ca. 1518),” Rinascimento 11 (1960): p. 70; G. Bertoni, La biblioteca e la coltura ferrarese ai tempi del duca Ercole I (1471-1505), Torino: Loescher 1903, pp. 31-33.
38 See RE, XIII, cols. 63-64; Foralieni is present in the Cosmographer of Ravenna (J. Schnetz, Itineraria Romana, II: Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis geographica, Stuttgart: Teubner 1940, p. 67).
39 Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite di uomini illustri del secolo XV, I, ed. L. Frati, Bologna: Romagnoli-Dell’Acqua 1892, p. 208: ...eo defuncto. depredantibus necessariis externisque episcopium... (dedicatory epistle of Santo Vener to the Vite summorum pontificum of Jacopo Zeno, in Città del Vaticano, ms. Vat. lat. 5942, f. 1v); G. Degli Agostini, Notizie storico-critiche intorno la vita e le opere degle scrittori viniziani I, Venezia 1752, p. 303.
40 E. Govi, “La biblioteca di Jacopo Zeno,” Bollettino dell’Istituto di patologia del libro 10 (1951): 34-118; Eadem, Patavinae cathedralis ecclesiae capitularis bibliotheca librorum XV saeculo impressorum index, Padua: Typografia Antoniana 1958, pp. 143-170.
41 H. Rupprich, Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtes, München: C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung 1934, n. 338, p. 606; reproduced in Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 9, Abb. 1.
42 Antonini Itinerarium B 90 charta 84 et infra charta 46. Hoc idem in charta longa a Celti nobis testamento legata (cited in ibid. Abb. 2; F. C. von Scheyb, Peutingeriana tabula itineraria quae in Augusta bibliotheca Vindobonensi nunc servatur...., Vindebonae: ex Typographia Trattneriana 1753, p. 33).
43 It occurred perhaps in 1507: according to a letter of Pirckheimer to Johannes Trithemius on 1 July of that year, Celtes was staying in Augsburg (cf. von Scheyb, ibid., p. 34).
44 D. Wuttke, “Konrad Celtes Protucius (1459-1508). Ein Lebensbild aus dem Zeitalter der deutschen Renaissance,” in Philologie als Kulturwissenschaft. Studien zur Literatur und Geschichte des Mittelalters. Festschrift für K. Stackmann zum 65. Geburtstage, edd. L. Grenzmann, H. Herkommer, D. Wuttke, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht 1987, p. 276.
45 E. König, Peutingerstudien, Studien und Darstellungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte IX.9, Freiburg i. B: Herder 1914, pp. 3-7; Bosio, La Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 14.
46 Here I limit myself merely to noting the hypotheses which are not based on documents: thus, Reichenbach is mentioned by F. Wawrik, s. v. Tabula Peutingeriana, in the Lexikon zur Geschichte der Kartographie II, Vienna: F. Deuticke 1987, p. 802; Corvey is indicated without any further detail on an Internet site for lovers of the Middle Ages.
47 See Miller, Itineraria Romana, p. xiv.
48 Epist. Familiares XLI (J. Trithemii... opera historica...., IIm Frankfurt 1601, p. 533); according to A. and M. Levi (Itineraria picta, p. 21), Celtes found the Tabula in Worms; this “orbis terrae” has been interpreted as a terrestrial globe: cf. K. Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Würzburg: Komissionsverlag F. Schöningh 1971, p. 197.
49 Plantin 1584, p. 15. 50 von Scheyb, Peutingeriana tabula, pp. 32-33; H. Grössing, Humanistische Naturwissenschaft. Zur Geschichte der Wiener mathematischen Schulen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Baden-Baden: V. Koerner 1983, p. 195, 297, note 20. 51 Miller, Itineraria Romana, p. xiv.
52 On the ms Spirensis, see P. Schnabel, “Der uerlorene Speirer Codex des Itinerarium Antonini, der Notitia dignitatum, und andere Schriften,” Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil-hist. Kl., Berlin 1926, pp. 242-257; P. Lehmann, Erforschung des Mittelalters II, Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann 1959, pp. 186-228; two folia of the Spirensis have been found which reproduce the Itinerary of Antoninus (Augsburg, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. I.2, 2o 37; they have been reproduced in Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg. Wertvolle Handschriften und Einbände aus dem ehemaligen Oettingen-Wallersteinschen Bibliothek, Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag 1987, n. 4, p. 40.
53 Most recently, L. Bieler, J. J. Tierney, Dicuili liber de mensura orbis terrae, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 6, Dublin: The Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies 1967, p. 23; P. Gautier-Dalché, “Tradition et renouvellement dans la représentation de l’espace géographique au IXe siècle,” Studi Medievali 24 (1983): 126 (repr. in Géographie et culture. La représentation de l’espace du VIe au XIIe siècle, Collected Studies Series, Ashgate: Variorum 1997, n. IV).
54 von Scheyb, Peutingeriana tabula, pp. 31-32; Hotz, “Beiträge zur Erklärung und Geschichte der Peutinger Tafel,” pp. 219ff.
55 On this text, see P. Gautier-Dalché, “Les «quatre sages» of Jules César et la «mesure du monde» selon Julius Honorius, II: La tradition médiévale,” Journal des Savants (1987): 184-209 (repr. in Géographie et culture. la representation de l’espace du VIe au XIIe siècle, Collected Studies Series, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishers 1997, No. I).
56 In a letter to Beatus Rhenanus (2 November 1525) M. Hummelberg, to whom we owe these details, explicitly claims: “...ab incepto desistit, sic XVII reliquae chartae sub praelum nondum venere.”(A. Horawitz, K. Hartfelder, Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, Leipzig: Druck und Verlag von B. G. Teubner 1886, n. 244, p. 341).
57 E. König, Konrad Peutingers Briefwechsel, München: C. H. Beck 1923, p. 461; Peutinger’s correspondent thought that the Tabula had perhaps been stolen from Celtes.
58 Fragmenta Tabulae antiquae in quis aliquot per Romanas provincias itinera, ex Peutingerorum bibliotheca... Venice 1591; reproduced in Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana, Abb. 3 and 4. 59 See the letters of Beatus Rhenanus nn. 250 (13 January 1526), 256 (6 April 1526), 257 (20 May 1526) (Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, pp. 352, 364, 366).
60 The manuscript had the signature R 35, and the paper had a watermark with an ass surrounded by a circle topped by a B or by a R (Itineraria Romana, pp. xxi-xxii).
61 Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana, p. 9.
62 Epistola de Morinis (Stuttgart, Württemburgische Landesbibliothek, Hist. 2o 248, ff. 62-63; cited by König, Peutingerstudien, p. 60).
63 Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, p. 352.
64 Peutingers Briefwechsel, p. 446ff; was it at this time, in Ferrara, that the connection was made between the map owned by Peutinger and the exemplar found in Padua in the antechamber of Jacopo Zeno?
65 Peutingers Briefwechsel, p. 453.
66 In 1509 the humanist Blasius Hölzl, secretary of Maximilliam, wrote to Peutinger to ask when he would be able to obtain “the maps”, in its actual or reduced dimensions, so that he would be able to use it for a military campaign (E. von Oefele, “Briefe von und an Konrad Peutinger,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayersischen Akad. der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. 2 (1898), p. 443; Miller, Itineraria Romana, p. xv); it is very implausible that this map was the Tabula and that the secretary considered using it for military purposes.
67 Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, n. 244, p. 341.
68 Antoninus in Itinerario ac Itinerarium nuper Augustae repertum (Germaniae Exegeseos volumina duodecim IV, 33, Hagenoae: Th. Anshelm 1518, f. cxvii v: Pervenit nuper ad nos Itinerarium quoddam, ut antiquum, ita festivissimum, quod Augustanum vocabant, ubi repertum fuisse dixerunt. (IX, 7, f. clxxxviii r); the same mention also recurs in books XI and XII (f. ccix and ccxxiv).
69 .... Peutingero scripsi tuo iussu, sed noram tacito. Nihil is de eo novit. Putat vero Irenicum id, quod est Antonini est, Augustanum vocare, quod ab Augusto illo Pio sit conscriptum. (Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, n. 244, p. 341).
70 “Celticum ∗≅4Β≅Δ46∈< omnino non est, quod Ω4Δ0<46∈Ηallegata (Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, n. 352, p. 352.
71 Arae Ubiorum (IV, 33), Cheniteri (XI), Solidurnium (XII), Traiana legio and Hellum/Heluetum (IX, 5) are not on the Tabula; Bregetomagnum corresponds, for example, to Borgetomagi of the Tabula. On the other hand, Irenicus says explicitly that this itinerary “reached him recently”: this implies direct consultation, which is impossible in the case of the Tabula because it never left Peutinger’s residence.
72 Horum castrorum fit mentio in charta illa vetustissima, quae itinera Romanorum militum ex provinciis nonnullis depicta continet. Hanc mihi ostendit clarissimus vir clarissimus Conradus Peutingerus, utriusque iuris doctor, patricius ac cancellarius nobilis Augustae Vindelicorum... (I. Bejczy, S. Stegeman, M. Verweij, Gerard Geldenhouwer van Nijmegen (1482-1542) Historische Werken, Hilversum: Verloren 1998, p. 142.)
73 A letter of M. Hummelberg, dated 19 April 1523, contests the identification of a place-name with the help of the Tabula which is so described (Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus, n. 230, p. 317).
74 Beati Rhenani Selestadiensis rerum Germanicarum libri tres, Basel: Frobenius 1531, pp. 35-51f.
75 Sed posuit in latere pictor ille quod trans sylvam melius locasset, ni vetuisset angustia membranae, et Germanica velut aliena duxisset modice attingenda, prouincias tantum describens. (Rhenani Selestadiensis rerum Germanicarum libri tres, p. 52).
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